CALIFANO MISREPRESENTS JOHNSON’S ROLE

Any representation of Martin Luther King, Jr., will always be hopelessly inadequate in my estimation—so enamored of the real deal am I!  I think the enactment by David Oyelowo is less than satisfactory; I feel he does not really capture the emotional intelligence, pathos, and warmth of personality that was Martin.  I realize that I am, perhaps, a bit unfair in my assessment, but I was less than thrilled by the acting in Selma overall.  I saw the film late at night after a long day of successive meetings, so maybe I was not in any condition to evaluate it properly.

The jumping back from the planning and beginning of Selma march to the September 1963 bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, depicting the murder of the four girls, was quite a shock and unexpected—since it was a year-and-a-half before Bloody Sunday (March 7, 1965).  I’m not sure of director Ava DuVernay’s motivation for cutting to that tragic event, but it was certainly alarming to the audience and me.  However, maybe it was prescient.  For after the bombing of the church in Birmingham, a variety of activists began focusing on voting, including King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC).  Even though a lot of attention was given to public accommodations in 1964, by the end of that year, the SCLC staff, through the encouragement of James Bevel and the invitation of Amelia Boynton, were inclined towards Selma and a multidimensional voting rights campaign.

What’s important here to realize is that the idea of focusing on voting was already underway in Mississippi.  After all, Freedom Summer was focused on registering blacks to vote.  The refusal to seat the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party at the Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City further brought home the necessity of demonstrating for elimination of de facto discrimination at election offices and at the polls.  Talk about a voting rights bill was happening long before the assassination of Pres. John F. Kennedy.

Consequently, the recent remark made by Joseph Califano that President Lyndon Johnson suggested a voting rights campaign to King in January of 1965 is preposterous.  Bevel had already proposed the idea and King and the SCLC staff had accepted it much prior to the latter’s conversation with Johnson to which Califano alludes.  Califano acts as if Johnson was a saint and was the lead orchestrator during this stage of the Civil Rights Movement.  That is absolutely false.  How soon Califano forgets that Johnson was opposed to King going into Saint Augustine, Florida, in the late spring of 1964 to continue to emphasize the need for passage of the civil rights bill.  Califano has a convenient amnesia that Johnson refused to seat the black delegation from Mississippi, despite King’s urging.  It was only through the dialogue between Vice President Hubert Humphrey and Joseph Rauh (among others) that suggested at least two persons from the MFDP be given a nonvoting seat.  Johnson was more concerned about reelection over Sen. Barry Goldwater, his Republican opponent, than the struggles for human decency being waged in the South.  Califano’s forgetfulness continues over Johnson’s initial conciliatoriness to Gov. George Wallace.  When an injunction was handed down against marching, Johnson was not supportive immediately after Bloody Sunday of the demonstrators to march unencumbered.  He was reluctant to federalize the National Guard.  How soon Califano forgets that King had to plead with Johnson to protect the marchers.  Some of Johnson’s staff was more progressive in this regard than the president.

In spite of the criticisms levied against the film, and regardless of my persnicketies about representations of King, I still strongly suggest people see Selma.  Most Americans since the generation of the 1960s are clueless about Jim Crow and the civil rights struggles starting during mid-twentieth century.  The film is not a documentary, but, rather, a popular screening subject to artistry, budgets, practicalities, and other creative and contingent factors.  Nevertheless, like all such projects—from media news to epic cinema—there is a mixture of fact and fiction, understatement and hyperbole, comic relief and melodrama.  Yet, because of our ignorance of past events or our revisionist histories à la Califano, watching the film can only enhance understanding of a part of our country’s development that ain’t too pretty and that can’t be denied!

Posted in Social Ethics | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Freedom of Expression? Yes!

The Bill of Rights sets the example for all democracies and wannabes around the world.  It was a revolution in personal freedoms and restrictions on government theretofore, and since that time it has enabled many individuals and groups to promote the good and dissent against injustice throughout the country.

The decision by the French weekly Charlie Hebdo to print cartoons that put Islam and the prophet Muhammad in a bad light met with violence from individual jihadists.  This series of events brings into the foreground the degree to which freedom of expression should be limited.  The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution states: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.”  Does the Western view of freedom of speech protect the scandalizing and ridiculing of religion; are religions somehow exempt from criticism and satire, or are they to be held sacrosanct from attack ex nihilo, adherents, or secular entities?

From my vantage point, any religion must be treated as any other social institution, and any adherent to a particular faith perspective is first a citizen.  Consequently, when the religion or one of its members takes a position on something in the public arena, that point of view is fodder for any attack.  If the religion’s founder is cited for justification of that position, then the founder is subject to criticism by opponents as well.  Such is the nature of political discourse—and it is fair.

However, the First Amendment does not protect all speech.  When the language used is intended to injure or insult so much so that societal peace is breached, then that speech is not easily protected.  Hate speech is a prime example of that.  The question whether political cartoons and satirical, or derisive, remarks are prohibitive has been debated and legally argued continually throughout American history.  It is very difficult to determine motivation and intention—so measuring genuine harm or the degree of offensiveness is no easy task.  A person, group, business, or other entity could always claim criticism of any thing, place, or person that is part of the public discourse can never be too captious and, thereby, disclaim any responsibility for how the populace reacts.  Everything is up for grabs.  What people are responsible for is how they choose to respond to whatever is interpreted as insulting—and that decision also must not be deliberately injurious, offensive, violent, or invasive to others.

There have been countless times when I have watched a movie—from classical period pieces to popular films—when I have unexpectedly heard racially derisive dialogue and seen violent acts against certain categories of people.  I have attended comedy routines during which inflammatory language has been utilized.  These are contexts in which everything is open season, i.e., there are no holds are barred.  Hence, getting all bent out of shape about what is said or done is excessive, and the best response is either to be equally creative or artistic in return or to ignore the characterization or to enter into constructive debate about why this or that verbiage or action should not have been perpetrated.

As an advocate of nonviolent direct action, I believe there are always alternatives to violence that can be effective and instructive.  In my opinion, physical violence, that is to say the use of force or power—whether against property or people—ought never to be an option.  I know this outlook, or estimation, is absolutist, but I firmly feel that the old saw “violence begets violence” is true and causes irreparable damage.  It is always excessive.  Certainly, words can be intrusive, offensive, hypercritical, and hyperbolic; if so, there are ways to counter such interpretation that are equally incisive, trenchant, and caustic, but resort to violence—particularly that which is primarily physically or bodily harmful—is insuperably disproportionate in nature.  Here, I do not mean to downplay or minimize emotional or psychological impairment, for that is real and can most assuredly be described loosely as violence.  However, such detriment can be treated, whereas death forever ends the possibility of recovery—and especially when innocent lives are lost.

Posted in Social Ethics, War & Peace | Tagged , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

REMEMBERING MARIO CUOMO

I did not know Mario Cuomo personally, but I came to admire him a lot—not for his role as a politician and three-term governor of New York, but for his citizenship, service, and truth-telling about the obscenities of xenophobia in the United States. When I think of Cuomo, I cannot help but to think of another giant in our country’s history, albeit in a different arena: the so-called “method actor,” Marlon Brando (1924-2004). Like with Cuomo, it is not because of what made him most noteworthy; rather, it is for his unrelenting support for pluralism and the acceptance of all people. Brando was, for example, a participant, alongside a few other celebrities, in the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom of 1963—where the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., gave his “I Have a Dream” speech. On several occasions, Brando waxed eloquent on network news morning programs about racism in the United States and how it is a perennial and pernicious blight against arguably the greatest country in the world.

Barack Obama’s keynote address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention is compared with two speeches at the 1984 convention of the same political party: Jesse Jackson’s party-unity speech and Cuomo’s “Tale of Two Cities” keynote address. Cuomo’s speech detailed how a child of Italian immigrants, stereotyped and maligned in this country, became the governor of the greatest city in the greatest country in the world. His understanding of ethnic bigotry helped him to dislike systematic oppression of all people and to fight for the disadvantaged. He could always be counted on to argue for humane treatment of others, which is something sorely lacking in the body politic today!

Cuomo was an ardent opponent of capital punishment and fought tooth and nail against the death penalty. His impassioned rhetoric against government-sanctioned killing showed prescience for the racial disparities in the criminal justice system long before it became somewhat fashionable to assert. In addition, Cuomo was a defender of woman’s rights. Despite his personal antipathy of abortion in line with his Roman Catholicism, he nevertheless advocated that the government stay out of women’s reproductive decision-making.

Whenever we embark upon characterizing a person’s life and legacy once he/she has passed, we are inevitably faced with the fact that all human beings are flawed. Knowing that no one is perfect and that all make mistakes, reflectors on an individual’s biography or obituary are faced with the moral dilemma of assessing that person’s triumphs and tragedies. It is often difficult to ascertain what is fair in such an endeavor, and much, quite frankly, often depends upon one’s own biases and presuppositions—philosophical, political, and otherwise. The figures mentioned herein—Brando, King, and Jackson—all had their foibles, idiosyncrasies, and missteps, but they also defended the highest ideals any human being could ever hope to preserve. Needless to say, the same could be stated about Cuomo.

What happens on a daily basis, however, regardless of the sociopolitical platform, is the engagement of faulty reasoning and the lack of critical thinking. It is much easier to use logical fallacies in our disagreements than to argue constructively about purposes and effects of structures, policies, procedures, services, and practices. One of the most common types of illogic is the argumentum ad hominem, which is attacking and discrediting a person’s character, and not the content of that person’s perspective. Such misguided attempts at invalidating an argument by attacking the person are ubiquitous and should not be tolerated anywhere.

Cuomo was elected for three terms as governor, and prior to that tenure he was in other governmental and public service capacities. I listened to him a few times in the 1980s and was enamored of his willingness to be inclusive. His decision not to run for the nomination of his party for president in 1988 and 1992 surprised me. I learned later of his procedural agony in choosing not to run. What stands out for me, as we mourn his passing and learn from his life, is his anchorage upon the saying of his mother, Immaculata, found toward’s the end of the first chapter of his book, Reason to Believe: “that what is right is usually also what is necessary; that in helping one another we almost always help ourselves.”

Posted in Social Ethics | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

WAR AGAIN?

Here are my thoughts a day or so prior to the air strikes.

It appears we are on the brink of war, again! Massive air strikes against the capital of ISIS in Raqqa in northern Syria have begun. What does this mean? It sounds like what appears in the prophecy of Joel: that nations should beat their plowshares into swords and pruning hooks into spears. Why are we resorting to warriors at this time? Is it because we have been reactive, rather than proactive, after departure from Iraq? Did we do the hard work necessary to avert this emergent situation where ISIS has become so powerful that we have to utilize weapons of mass destruction to squash their expansionist and imperialistic pursuits? Were we too optimistic that Maliki would hold his own and make Iraq stable once again; or did we leave too swiftly because we couldn’t stand having supported him despite his clear hatred of Sunni Muslims?

One of the tenets of pacifism, in which I believe, is to engage assiduously in diplomatic efforts before conflicts reach a boiling point. And, yes, this means that nations and other units have to communicate with each other in order to understand each other, try to come to some reasonable agreement, and make and keep peace. We failed in our foreign policy when we seemed to have convinced ourselves that al-Qaeda or any other such group could not revitalize itself. There were many government officials and foreign diplomats that voiced concern over the possibility of other terrorist groups gaining a foothold in Iraq if we did not maintain a critical military presence in the region. I am not sure whether they had acute foresight or whether their words were based on clear signs of growing, strong opposition, but President Obama apparently felt that meeting his promise to get out of Iraq was more important than squashing all terrorist cells.

We allowed Maliki to wreak havoc upon the majority of people in Iraq, and his ouster did not come quickly enough. He angered many people with his oppression against the Sunnis, and since he was “our man,” we were deemed just as culpable as he. Consequently, many people supported the rise of ISIS, even though they might not have agreed with their Islamic centrism. Things over there are too complicated to characterize the fanaticism as predictable or a self-fulfilling prophecy. However, it would not be excessive to contend that we did not do the hard work necessary to ensure that all parties were at the table in the construction of a legitimate democratic state in Iraq. We failed.

Is it too late to go to the negotiation table, or must we seek to obliterate ISIS before we can stabilize the area and reconstruct the government and infrastructure? Some pundits are prognosticating we will remain in the area and in a state of war between two to eight years. What a nightmare! Presidents Dwight Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy both warned us against the military industrial complex and arms proliferation. Could this possibly be the result of our not heeding their earnest pleas for limiting technology in the interest of killing each other? History is definitely repeating itself, and that repetition is the mark of our diplomatic insanity and ineptitude.

Over the past three decades, I have developed a mantra about beating swords into plowshares and spears into pruning hooks; about nations not rising up against nations and not studying or learning war anymore; about the lion and the lamb lying down together, and men and women sitting under their own vine and fig trees—with nothing to fear but fear itself; and about how perfect love casts out fear. I have sought to claim that God is not through with us yet, that God is still working (John 5:17) and that we must be steadfast, immovable, always excelling in the work of the Lord (1 Cor. 15:58). I know that we cannot be perfect, but that does not mean that we should never try! As a matter of fact, our entire lives should be about the business of doing justly, loving mercy and kindness, and walking humbly with God (Micah 6:8). I cannot help but to think that we must ramp up our constructive endeavors in foreign affairs precisely when our military is not directly involved. Only then will the morning stars sing together and the children of God shall shout for joy! (Job 38.7)

Posted in War & Peace | Leave a comment

VINCENT HARDING: MY KIND OF HERO!

Vincent Harding (1931-2014) was an unassuming person who was inclined to serve the burgeoning Civil Rights Movement from behind the scenes. He was a young man then—having graduated from City College of New York with a baccalaureate degree in history (1952), followed by a stint in the U.S. Army (1953-1955), and subsequently earning a master’s degree in history at the University of Chicago (1956). But Harding had a passion for justice, so he traveled to Atlanta, GA, to participate in the movement in 1960. Living around the corner from Martin Luther King, Jr., Harding and his neighbor (and their wives) became fast friends. At the time, Harding was a representative of the Mennonite Church.

While helping to teach nonviolent tactics in King’s direct action campaigns, Harding continued his education—pursuing doctoral studies until he was awarded the degree from his master’s alma mater in 1965. He was a professor at Spelman College. During the early 1960s, he and his wife, Rosemary (nee Freeney) started Mennonite House, which was an interracial community center where civil rights activists were able to meet, study, strategize, and recreate. Harding called little attention to himself, but he was a solid assistant to the leadership of the movement.

As a matter of fact, Harding, so frustrated with U.S. escalation of the war in Vietnam, finally convinced King, after two years, officially to speak out against the military endeavor. The speech he wrote for King was delivered at the famous Riverside Church in New York City on April 4, 1967. It was a scathing attack upon the (Lyndon) Johnson Administration and criticized the president and congressional leadership for not addressing the exacerbating plight of the poor—who were disproportionately represented on the battlefields in Vietnam. From most sectors of the body politic, King was castigated for his coming out against the war, which was ostensibly supported by the majority of the citizenry at that time. Even major, African American civil rights leader rebuked King for his outspokenness against American foreign policy—an area they deigned could not possibly be apprehensible to a black man from the Deep South!

Harding felt badly about the speech—not because it was wrong or ill timed—because one year later, to the day, King was assassinated! Harding could not help but believe that part of the reason for King’s murder was because of the speech he had written for King: “Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence.”

Harding was a great man in his own right. I never met him personally, but I did correspond with him as I was trying to determine where I would pursue my doctoral studies. At the time, in the early 1980s, Harding was at the Iliff School of Theology in Denver, CO. I had the chance briefly to speak with him, and he was both unusually kind and very understanding of my circumstances. I finally chose to go to Boston University, but I never have forgotten the encouragement that Harding gave to me. Two books that he wrote which I truly enjoyed are: There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America (1981) and Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Inconvenient Hero (1996).

As 2014 and 2015 are framed by the fiftieth anniversaries of the two major legislations regarding civil rights in the 1960s, the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, I urge you to invest some time in reading Harding’s take on the movement and its undisputed leader, and in watching the celebrated documentary series for which he was a senior consultant, Eyes on the Prize.

Posted in Social Ethics | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

EQUAL PAY FOR EQUAL WORK

I grew up with four sisters and two brothers.  Academically, my sisters performed very well and entered the job market with a competitive advantage.  They had attended topnotch schools, with one becoming a business executive and another becoming a postmaster for USPS.  Two are in education, one teaching on the college level and the other occupying a high-school principalship.  I am certain that the first two benefitted directly from affirmative action policies of the 1970s, but they earned and deserved everything they received.  The society was still pervasively racist then, but their stellar professional performances were merely buttressed somewhat by affirmative action.  The latter two were in a slightly different environment when they embarked on their careers: the mid-to-late nineties.  Although their paths were smoother than the first two, who are sixteen years their senior, their progress toward success was not without their challenges and struggles.

What is disturbing is the fact that whereas the opportunities for women in the workforce have increased since the early 1960s, their positions, statuses, compensation, advancement, and overall roles have not become equitable on many levels.  The patriarchal tradition of the United States still remains in force and the passage of legislation to offset and neutralize it has not triumphed.  A very easy example is that of payment for equal work.  In 2008, the U.S. Census Bureau reported that women make 77.5 cents to every dollar a man makes.  No rationalization for this exists—only excuses.  What is even worse is that African American and Hispanic women comparatively make 61 cents and 52 cents, respectively.  This is a travesty!

However, the picture gets even worse.  For example, though Hispanic men work more than white men, they earn less than white men, white women, black men, and black women.  As a matter of fact, the only ones in this demographic snapshot that make less than they are Hispanic women!  Over four decades after Pres. John F. Kennedy’s executive order dealing with affirmative action, the position of persons of color in the labor force is still abysmally discriminatory.  Despite the fact that women were excluded from the initial renderings of this executive decree and the subsequent Civil Rights Act of 1964, it is an undisputed fact that the highest beneficiaries of affirmative action have been white women!

Perhaps, the Equal Pay Act and the languishing Paycheck Fairness Act should have a special clause in them that deals with the disparity in pay for persons of color.  It is clear that race plays a larger role than we are willing to admit in the job market and that the legislative efforts under the Kennedy and Pres. Lyndon Johnson administrations were not enforceable enough to make a substantive difference in the way we do business.  Often, they placed the burden on those discriminated against to prove their mistreatment, rather than making the Department of Justice more proactive in penalizing employers for continuing unfair labor practices.  Yes, we still live in a grossly patriarchal society, and we must persist in our endeavors to become manifestly more equitable.  But we must not forget the millions of women who suffer from a double indemnity: being female and a person of color.

There is a poem by an artist who emerged during the Harlem Renaissance, Georgia Douglas Johnson, who might give us some hope.  It is called “Your World.”

Your world is as big as you make it.

I know, for I used to abide

In the narrowest nest in a corner,

My wings pressing close to my side.

 

But I sighted the distant horizon

Where the skyline encircled the sea

And I throbbed with a burning desire

To travel this immensity.

 

I battered the cordons around me

And cradled my wings on the breeze,

Then soared to the uttermost reaches

With rapture, with power, with ease!

 Let us make this vision, our world!

Tagged | Leave a comment

INCOME INEQUALITY: OBAMA V. FRANCIS

I have always admired and respected Catholic social teaching, especially with regards to helping the so-called least of these.  Concern for the needy and the disinherited in the United States and in the world has been a continuous focus of mine for all of my adult life.   As a progressive thinker, I have not bought the Church’s orientation hook, line, and sinker, for it is very conservative on a lot of issues, such as abortion, ordination of women, war, and marriage.  There appears to be some hope, however, with the ascendancy of Jorge Mario Bergoglio to Pope Francis.

The fact he chose to name his papacy after Francis of Assisi, who chose to identify with the poor, truly resonates with me.  Pope Francis has characterized his own religious life by his concern for the indigent and oppressed.  The language that he has used to address penury in the world has been quite critical of capitalism, the wealth gap, and our emphasis on the myth that economic growth trickles down to the lower classes.  Earlier in his life, he had an affinity towards communism and his words and actions over the course of his ministry have reflected democratic socialism, the ethics of Jesus, and the political economy of Martin Luther King, Jr.

I cannot say the same regarding Barack Obama.  Since his organizing days on the Chicago’s South Side, Obama has been touted for this work, as he has strayed quite far from helping women and children in the hour of their greatest need.  During his 2008 candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination, Obama scarcely discussed directly and transparently the plight of the working poor and the underclass.  He never answered my questions concerning the alleviation of poverty, and promises that his staff made concerning his economic platform were unfulfilled, if not completely disregarded.  His first term as President of the United States did not improve upon that record, despite the passage of the Affordable Care Act of 2010—the verdict of which is still unsure.

On December 4 of this year, Obama spoke at a meeting of the Center for American Progress in THEARC in Washington, D.C.  During his speech, he declared what was the “defining challenge of our time: making sure our economy works for every working American.”  Wanting his enduring legacy to be addressing income inequality is admirable, and the very fact he finally spoke directly on this subject momentarily warmed my heart.  However, this sanguine interlude was evanescent at best, for immediately I realized Obama’s plan to have government play a marked role in the attempt to eradicate poverty was as old as the ineffectual War on Poverty of the 1960s!

Unlike President Obama, Pope Francis has been willing to attack market capitalism at its core.  He recognizes that poverty is a structural issue that the church must work to eliminate.  He rightly asserts that a system that produces separation into classes and the majority of people possessing less than one-tenth of the nation’s wealth cannot be improved upon through sporadic remedies: such as a meager raise in the minimum wage; simple undergirding of labor unions; and/or spotty WPA-like programs that by themselves did not pull this country out of the economic depression of the 1930s.  In stating that capitalism’s ability to deal justly with poverty “has never been confirmed by the facts,” he reflects King’s aversion to the “skirmish” against poverty under the Johnson Administration, who stated in 1967 that “a nation that produces beggars needs restructuring.”

Obama’s focus on the middle class and the working poor, with his emphasis still on competitiveness and productivity, does not get at the root of the problem.  We can no longer stress the importance of temporary measures that continue to function within a system that sustains egregious income disparities.  It’s time to make a serious change in the way we do business.

Posted in Poverty | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

TRIBUTE TO NELSON MANDELA

The death of Steve Biko in prison in South Africa captured many college students on campuses across the United States.  I was one of those students at Wesleyan University in Middletown, Connecticut, as I was asked to perform a memorial service for Biko in the university’s chapel.  My subsequent role as a spokesperson for the South Africa Action Group eventually led me to the likes of Desmond Tutu and Allan Boesak–primarily because of my acceptance of nonviolence as a tactic and a way of life.  At that time, Martin Luther King, Jr., was my hero and there was, admittedly, an absolutism to my devotion to peacemaking that went far beyond what King himself held!

The above notwithstanding, I easily became enamored of a person I had barely known up to that point.  I had heard snippets about the imprisoned leader of the African National Congress, but I primarily caught that he believed in the overthrow of the apartheid regime through violence.  Associated with him was the phrase that I had first got wind of from reading and discussing Malcolm X: “by any means necessary.”  I was not a fan of the pre-1964 Malcolm as a number of my fellow black students and multicultural comrades in the divestment movement was.  I was a staunch Kingian; hence, aligning Mandela with Malcolm did not persuade me to lift up the former as a symbol for our struggle.

Eventually, I convinced myself to investigate the man.  Although I understood the deep pain he must have felt observing the cowardly massacre of demonstrators, including defenseless children, at Sharpeville in 1960, my comprehension of his pathos did not convince me of the path he had chosen.

I found, however, there was, indeed, something special about the man.  I learned how impassioned he was over the struggle for the freedom of his people–so much so that he was willing to do whatever it took.  Here was a man who lived according to King’s oft-quoted saying: “If a man hasn’t found something to die for, he isn’t fit to live.”  The suffering that Mandela was undergoing and the sacrifice he made by not renouncing violence in the struggle testified to those words of the man martyred in 1968 and exemplified in 1977 by Biko’s demise at the hands of prison guards.  Slowly, but surely, I acquired a respect for Mandela’s persistence and his refusal to relinquish hope in a brighter tomorrow.

To see Mandela march triumphant after twenty-seven years was remarkable!  I felt particular joy because of my involvement not only at Wesleyan, but also at Yale and Boston Universities, to demand divestiture and the freeing of South Africa generally and of Mandela specifically.  What an honor to be among the throng as he visited Boston in June of 1990!

Needless to say, his ascendancy to the presidency of the democratic Republic of South Africa, the winner of the Nobel Prize for Peace. was simply genuine ecstasy–one of the greatest events of the twentieth century!  Without any visible signs of anger or vengefulness, Mandela, in his late seventies and early eighties, became a powerful voice for speaking the truth and reaching for real reconciliation.  Such goodness–nay, greatness!–is a rare sight in public life.  His desire to fashion a truly integrated and pluralistic society at home and abroad is matchless.

Mandela leaves a rich legacy for all nations to find a way to persevere in seeking constructive and lasting resolution of conflict.  The world is rife with crises that ostensibly warrant the use of weapons of mass destruction.  Mandela’s life urges upon us the will not to react with revenge, bitterness, and hate, but to seek justice and to forge pathways to inclusion through conversation, compromise, and cooperation.

Hopefully, as the moving finger of time continues to write, we will not be subject to the typical amnesia that historically befalls us when such a great figure dies.  Let us not reduce ourselves to the cynicism that business as usual apparently inevitably produces.  Rather, let the amazing oeuvre and symbolism of this individual be an ever fixed mark and guidepost as our and our children’s children’s  memory chords shall lengthen!

Posted in Social Ethics | Leave a comment

POVERTY AT HOME & ABROAD

In 1958, John Kenneth Galbraith detailed income inequality and an imbalanced economic system in his book, The Affluent Society.  People who did not actually read the text considered it a homage to what makes America great.  Contrariwise, Galbraith demonstrates that there is a remarkable disinterest among the well off about the plight of the indigent.  They will go to their leisure second homes in their fancy convertibles while potholes abound, access to health care is blocked, restrictive covenants reinforce racial segregation, and public schools make a mockery of education in rundown urban areas. Galbraith sought to lay bare the plethora of disparities plaguing our economy, albeit he did not do a good job of elucidating resolutions to these problems.

Michael Harrington attempted in The Other America to Improve upon Galbraith’s depiction of our bifurcated economic results by opening the door to the lives of the poor.  After reading Harrington’s book, it is nearly impossible to misconstrue the two nations that comprise our democratic republic.  Some criticized Harrington for implying the inevitable development of a culture of poverty among the poor—which at the time had a white face in our media outlets.  The salient thing growing out of his book is the initiation of a “war on poverty,” which became a hallmark of the Johnson Administration, in retrospect, despite Pres. Johnson’s escalation of the Vietnam War.

Because of the economic recession and the development of the so-called new poor, there has been a barrage of articles and books about the weakened economy and the widening and enormous gap between the rich and the poor.  It is overwhelming to keep up with them all!  What follows is a sampling of four books whose authors approach poverty in interestingly multifarious ways.

The American Way of Poverty: How the Other Half Still Lives, by Sasha Abramsky, takes a passionate look at the poor today that is reminiscent of Harrington’s work five decades earlier.  The book, out in September, seeks to capture not only the sociological elements of scarce resources, but also the psychological dimensions comprising the experiences of the poor: their emotional and decision-making processes.  He does a valiant job in portraying their hardships and elucidating the choices they make that, from the outside, may appear irrational, ill advised, and/or fatalistic.  It would be difficult for folks to come away from these descriptions based on firsthand interviews with a disinterest that does not impel them to seek to mollify their circumstances and to identify ways to change the system that would eliminate structures, processes, and policies disadvantaging millions.  They will be chagrined, however, to discover that Abramsky himself is short on bona fide solutions to the intricate complexities of poverty and the impoverished.  That is to say, Abramsky shows how the political system is in disrepair and ineffectual in redressing either the causes or the multiple and cumulative effects of poverty.  Clearly, he sees the need for the resurgence of War on Poverty programs to make available and more easily accessible emergency funds and services for the poor.  What is not so lucid is pinpointing effective reforms that transcend these necessary entitlements in order to alter business as usual and make radical, regulatory changes in the economic system that disables the licentiousness of the capitalist market from widening the gap between the haves and the have-nots.  His attempts at resolution are from within the current system and not as a gadfly promulgating a fundamental reordering of our nation’s priorities.  Nevertheless, though short on revolutionizing our political economy, The American Way of Poverty has the potential of fostering a fervent solidarity with and compassion for the poor that parallel the prescriptive programmatic skirmish against poverty found in his Harrington’s seminal work of 1962.

Another book on the horizon that may add to Abramsky’s intriguing panorama is the work of Rutgers law professor, David Dante Troutt, The Price of Paradise: The Costs of Inequality and a Vision for a More Equitable America.  This text, out in January of next year, interweaves constitutional, societal, and multicultural influences that adversely affect the middle class.  Woe is me!  Although there are hints of a Kingian revolution of values and restructuring that redistributes the nation’s wealth, it, too, does not suggest an essential remaking of the social, political, and economic milieu that is sorely needed for the poor find the catapults of justice, equilibrium, and fair and equitable participation in the body politic.  Perhaps, I digress.

The three remaining works that address the issue of poverty are quite different from one another.  Jerry Z. Muller’s The Mind and the Market: Capitalism in Western Thought speaks to the structuralist in me that welcomes the chance for a new economic system to find roots here.  Muller surveys the historical landscape that homes in on the ethics of the capitalist system according to major recent figures in Western civilization: the likes of Hegel and Marx as well as their antecedents such as Hobbes and Voltaire.  As Muller exposes the perspectives of these men, he divulges a dyspepsia towards the marauding juggernaut of capitalism that is admittedly refreshing.  Roger Thurow and Scott Kilman, winners of the Action Against Hunger Humanitarian Award, penned the groundbreaking Enough: Why the World’s Poorest Starve in an Age of Plenty.  Interestingly, for those of us in Iowa, the authors lift up the “Father of the Green Revolution” and the 1970 Nobel Peace Prizewinner, Norman Borlaug.  This book focuses on the policies that have stripped the poor’s ability to procure food for themselves and their families.  The moral vitality of this work is reminiscent of Ronald Sider’s Rich Christians in an Age of Hunger.  The authors cannot condone any given reasons for hunger as legitimate: they are mere excuses that confuse the role countries should play in empowering, undergirding, and helping to resource those who are poor.  We are able, in their investigative research, to eliminate starvation inasmuch as we dwell amidst a surfeit of nutritional food.  In a sense, in the final book, Poor Economics: A Radical Rethinking of the Way to Fight Global Poverty by Abhijit V. Banerjee and Esther Duflo, we come full circle.  The authors are able to explain the effects of poverty on people’s psyches as well as to point to places where programs have improved the level of indigence across the world.  Their approach is rather deliberative; they believe there is sufficient evidence to think carefully about the characteristics of those in poverty and to respond to their researched needs to develop policies and programs that are relevant, specific, and consequential.  There is no doubt in their minds, after fifteen years of intense research, that bringing together policymakers, researchers, advocates, activists, philanthropists, and the poor themselves can wipe this unnecessary scourge from the face of the earth!

I concur.  Reading these texts and engaging in public discourse should help us in our efforts to effectuate the best possible society.

 

Posted in Poverty | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

U.S. SUPREME COURT AUTHORIZES VOTER SUPPRESSION

After extensive research that exposed discriminatory practices in voting still existed, the 109th Congress elected to extend the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965 for twenty-five more years.  On Tuesday, June 25, 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court struck that extension down as unconstitutional.  Its focus was on Section (§) 4 of the VRA, which established a formula for determining which areas continued to discriminate and truncate the rights of others from voting.  §4 also discusses other barriers to voting such as language.  §5 of the VRA was instituted to enforce §4 by requiring any changes in voting policy or practice must be cleared by the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia or by the U.S. Attorney General before allowed to take effect.

The decision by the Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder is that the egregious practices that prompted enactment of the VRA in 1965 no longer exist; therefore, the extraordinary measures taken in 1965, albeit the catalyst for improvement towards voting parity, are not necessary anymore.  The dissenting justices, Sotomayor, Kagan, and Breyer, led by Ginsburg, argue that the very fact the VRA has worked to ameliorate the egregious conditions of the past does not infer discontinuance, but, rather, extension of it to ensure against backsliding.  With voter disenfranchisement still continuing as seen by recent national elections and the pursuit of voter fraud and the inauguration of voter I.D. cards, for instance, the argument that there is no need for such safeguards as §4 and §5 provide is starkly ludicrous.

Besides, it is clearly the Congress that is charged with determining whether or not the Fifteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution is being violated.  That is not the Court’s job.  If Congress members feel that reauthorization is necessary based upon valid research, then they have met the standard of rationality that Amendment demands.  It is not within the purview of the Court to buck precedence by deciding the evidence is not extraordinary enough.  Ginsburg makes this point strongly in her dissent.

If Justice Clarence Thomas had his druthers, §5 would also suffer the axe.  His argument is that the slashing of §4 requires the rescission of §5, because the latter depends on the former.  However, §5 is not merely about the formulas in §4; it covers a myriad of attempts to disfranchise voters beyond the parameters of §4.  Ginsburg points out that over 700 findings of discrimination by the Department of Justice occurred between 1982 and 2004—significantly more than were determined between 1965 and 1982!  Clearly, that record is evidentiary of the need for §4 to remain intact.

The sad fact of the matter is our time will be wasted by a plethora of litigation that will demonstrate discriminatory attempts and practices still exist in the body politic.  If individuals are unable to afford to retain a lawyer, then class action suits will most assuredly find their way into the judicial system.  The lack of insight in making this decision demonstrates a concomitant lack of foresight regarding the ineluctable the burden such a decision will have upon the Court.

It’s ironic that the decision to support marriage equality came upon the heels of the denial of voting equality!

Posted in Social Ethics | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment